The Venezuelan Electoral Labyrinth:
Irregularities, Delays and Obstacles in the Registration and Updating of Voter Data.

by Marvin Joseph K.
(pseud.)

 

 "Vogones are one of the most unpleasant races in the Galaxy—not actually evil, but bad-tempered, bureaucratic, officious, and callous." Douglas Adams.

01 September 2024

 

In Venezuela, the lack of synchronization between the Civil Registry and the Electoral Registry has created a bureaucratic labyrinth, in the style of a sarcastic cosmic saga, that prevents citizens from updating their electoral registry data efficiently. This disconnect not only complicates the registration of new voters, but also hinders the purging of obsolete registers, condemning us all to an endless spiral of paperwork and frustration. From the impossibility of registering in distant consulates to irregularities in data updating, the electoral system faces a number of critical challenges, that would be funny if they weren't so tragically unavoidable. This article examines the current deficiencies, the difficulties faced by Venezuelans abroad, and proposes urgent reforms to restore the integrity and accessibility of the electoral process, although we all know the universe probably isn't listening.

 

1. The disconnection between the Electoral Registry and the Civil Registry

The Venezuelan Civil Registry and Electoral Registry are managed by separate entities within the Venezuelan National Electoral Council -Consejo Nacional Electoral- (CNE). The Venezuelan Organic Law of Civil Registry (art. 52) stipulates that there must be an automatic interconnection between the National Civil Registry Office and the National Electoral Registry Office to facilitate the registration and updating of electoral data. However, in a cosmic twist of irony, this interconnection is rarely carried out in practice, forcing citizens to go in person to update their information. Because, of course, in a world where everything digital should be instantaneous, citizens must experience a series of round trips into the past. This disconnection, almost as if designed by an artificial intelligence with an extremely cruel sense of humor, not only complicates the registration of new voters, but also makes it difficult to purge the registry to remove obsolete records, such as those of deceased persons or those who have renounced Venezuelan nationality. But there is no need to worry, all this chaos is just part of the process, right?

 

2. Lack of continuity of the Electoral Registry

The Venezuelan Electoral Observatory -Observatorio Electoral Venezolano- (OEV) has pointed out that the Electoral Registry is "discontinuous both inside and outside the country." This discontinuity blatantly contravenes the provisions of Article 28 of the Venezuelan Organic Law of Electoral Processes (LOPRE), which establishes the principle of continuity of the registry, preventing citizens from making updates or registrations when they need to, affecting the integrity of the electoral process. Because, of course, who doesn't love a good dose of electoral uncertainty to keep life interesting?

 

3. Regarding the registration of voters residing abroad

For Venezuelans abroad, registration and updating of data must be done at the consulates corresponding to the country or city where they reside, but these consulates only offer the service during special days determined by the CNE. These days, scarce and short in duration, seemed designed to add an extra touch of frustration. In addition, the LOPRE (art. 24) requires that Venezuelans abroad have legal residence in the country where the consulate is located, a condition that, aside from being an apparent product of a sect that worships bureaucracy, has been criticized by local NGOs such as Voto Joven, Espacio Público, Alerta Venezuela and the OEV for considering it discriminatory. Because, why not allow another country decide whether a Venezuelan citizen can participate or not in a Venezuelan electoral processes?

Due to the reduced number of consulates, caused by the Venezuelan regime's tense diplomatic relations with the international community, Venezuelans abroad are forced to travel internationally to another country to register or update their data on the electoral register, as if a simple data update were the perfect excuse for a short international trip. Even those who reside in countries with consulates often have to travel long distances to the nearest city with an authorized consulate, making it difficult for them to access this service repeatedly. Because, after all, who doesn't enjoy a good trip to complete bureaucratic procedures?

In order for Venezuelans to exercise their right to vote abroad, they must visit the consulate at least twice: once to register or update their data and once to vote on election day. The lack of continuity in the electoral registry outside the country not only prevents citizens from taking advantage of their consular visits to carry out other procedures, such as requesting or withdrawing passports, but also highlights a deficiency in the guarantee of their fundamental rights. Because, apparently, bureaucracy should be a completely unforgettable experience. According to articles 2, 3, 4 and 63 of the Venezuelan Organic Law of Electoral Power (LOPEL), it is the responsibility of the electoral power to ensure both the right to vote and the right to identity. Something that, curiously, they seem to be doing everything in their power to fail miserably at, since the need for multiple visits and the difficulty in accessing essential services reflect a significant gap in the fulfillment of these responsibilities, underlining the urgency of reforms to improve the registration and identification system and guarantee fair and accessible electoral participation for all Venezuelans. Although, realistically, who has time to wait for reforms when we can simply allow ourselves to be amused by the current chaos?

Another criticism from Venezuelan electoral rights NGOs is that Article 29 of the LOPRE recognizes the Venezuelan identity card as the only valid identity document for registering in the electoral registry, a document that can only be issued in Venezuela. This means that, in order to vote abroad, Venezuelans must have a valid or expired identity card with them, which is impossible for those born abroad who have never processed this document in Venezuela or for those who have lost their document. But what would life be without these little extra complications to keep everday life interesting?

The period established for Venezuelans to register or update their data at the consulates for the electoral process of July 28^th 2024, was the timeline between March 18^th and April 16^th, 2024. In its bulletin number 125, the OEV denounced multiple irregularities during this period, such as:

• The late reception of the necessary equipment, materials and instructions at the consulates. Because, what better way to start an electoral registration day than without equipment?
• Instructions that demanded requirements not provided for in Venezuelan legislation, such as having residence permits valid for at least two years at the time of registration. Clearly, because making things difficult is an art.
• Unjustified delays by officials in processing the procedures. Because, if you can't be efficient, you can at least develop patience.
• Consulates that enabled registration more than two weeks late. Just to add a dash of additional anxiety to your life.
• Complaints that data update procedures were denied or put on hold, requiring voters to attend again to present additional documentation or repeat the process due to inconsistencies. Because, who doesn't love repeating procedures until they become experts in the absurd?

Irregularities in the electoral process were also denounced by Juan Carlos Delpino Boscán, one of the current rectors of the CNE, through a statement published on his social networks on August 26. Due to the fear of reprisals for his open opposition and his brave denunciations, Delpino Boscán has remained low-profile, hiding since the day of the election to protect himself. Because, evidently, the price of honesty in the electoral theater is voluntary seclusion.

After the electoral registration process abroad was completed, according to the newspaper El País, only around 69,000 voters were eligible to vote at the various international consulates. However, according to estimates by the OEV, more than 5 million Venezuelans of voting age reside abroad. This means that the difficulties and irregularities mentioned above prevented the majority of residents abroad from registering, resulting in the exclusion and silencing of the will of millions of Venezuelans in the elections of July28^th. What a poetic irony! It makes us wonder, if a tree falls in a forest and there is no one to hear it, does it make a sound?

 

4. Location changes of Electoral Registration Points during the Registration Period

The local youth movement #HolaTuInscríbeteRE also denounced the change of 19 of the points enabled within the country for registration and for updating data in the electoral registry, without the CNE notifying the citizens of these changes or the new locations of the registration points. These irregularities created a lot of confusion among voters about where they should go to register or update their data. But, come on, who doesn't enjoy a good treasure hunt when it comes to civil rights?

 

5. Modifications to the Distribution of Voters, Polling Stations and Voting Tables

On June 18^th, just 40 days before the electoral process, opposition leader María Corina Machado denounced that the CNE had modified the distribution of voters, centers and polling stations. Surprising, right? This change, which surely no one saw coming, caused the relocation of members of the polling station and destabilized the meticulously designed system of witnesses that the candidates had prepared for the elections. Also, since nothing screams "fair elections" like small last-minute changes, several voters reported arbitrary modifications in their address and designated polling station mere days before the elections.

 

6. Security and Prevention of Irregularities related to the Electoral Registry.

The Venezuelan electoral system has security mechanisms to prevent identity theft and other irregularities. Of course, because we all know that in such a... "reliable" system, it is necessary to have a couple of additional measures. One of the main mechanisms is fingerprint verification. At the time of voting, if a voter's fingerprint does not match with the one registered, their vote can only be authorized with a special code entered by the coordinator of the electoral center, and this irregularity must be recorded. What a relief to know that everything is so under control...

In addition, the system is designed to prevent repeated use of the special key. To reactivate this key, at least eight other voters with successfully verified fingerprints must vote. Like a game, but not a very enjoyable one. As explained by journalist Eugenio Martínez and former CNE rector Griselda Colina in interviews with the local news outlet Efecto Cocuyo, as cited in Paula Rangel Barroeta's July 9^th. article.

 

7. Possible Irregularities and Preventive Measures

Although the system has security measures in place – because we can't be too trusting, right? – irregularities could arise if there were complicity on the part of CNE staff or the Identification, Migration and Immigration Administration Service (SAIME), which is in charge of issuing identity documents in Venezuela. A scenario as unlikely as rain in the desert, although many already have their umbrellas ready.

For example, during the update of the Electoral Registry, a hypothetical exchange of fingerprints between a deceased person and a living person could occur, allowing the deceased person's identity to be usurped and a fraudulent vote to be cast. Because, after all, who wouldn't want to continue voting after death? Another irregularity would be if the system allowed the registration of the same fingerprint for several voters, which would indicate that the CNE does not have an effective system to eliminate duplicates from the registry. Currently, there is no detailed information available on the purification mechanisms that are used. Surely it is because everything works perfectly.

To prevent this type of fraud, it is essential to carry out a thorough internal audit of the Electoral Registry, comparing the CNE fingerprint database with that of SAIME. Because, evidently, in a sea of ​​unreliable bureaucratic entities, what we really need is more audits instead of simply cutting out the excess bureaucracy. Who needs efficiency when we can have more paperwork? In addition, it would be advisable to organize a new update day to capture fingerprints of all voters who wish to participate on this day, this would allow comparing existing samples with new ones, improving the detection of duplicates. This process must be transparent and supervised by national and international experts who are independent of the government, to ensure the credibility of the system. A simple and inexpensive task, no doubt.

 

8. Verification during Election Day

On election day, it is difficult and unlikely that significant irregularities will occur at the polling stations due to the multiple verifications that are carried out. Difficult, but not impossible, which definitely gives us total peace of mind... or at the very least, partial peace of mind? However, if there are cases of fraud, these could be detected by comparing the fingerprints registered in the electoral book with those in the electoral registration system, and by comparing the signatures in the books with the death register to ensure that the identity of any deceased has not been usurped. Because it never hurts to make sure that the dead continue to rest in peace, at least as far as the ballot boxes are concerned...

 

9. Proposals to Improve the Electoral Registration and Identification System

Conducting supervised audits is essential to ensure the integrity of the Electoral Registry. This process, in addition to ensuring transparency, offers an opportunity to unify the recording of fingerprint data in a single system to be used by public administration bodies when they need to verify the identity of a citizen or resident through their fingerprints. Because, apparently, this fragmented system is a feature, not a bug.

Currently, it is impractical for two different state bodies, such as the CNE and the SAIME, to be responsible for the collection of fingerprint data. It seems that someone took the more is better recommendation to heart, but clearly it doesn't work in this case. In addition, the fact that the SAIME is attached to the executive branch instead of the electoral branch and the civil registry system, presents risks to the independence, uniformity and effectiveness of the process. Because, what is independence without a touch of influence from the executive?

A reform proposal to improve the registration and identification system in Venezuela would be to separate the SAIME into two separate institutions:

1. Migration and Immigration Administration Service (“SAME”): This agency would remain attached to the People's Ministry for Internal Relations, Justice and Peace. With such a reassuring name, who could resist? It would be in charge of analyzing, approving and monitoring visas and residence permits for foreigners. Once a foreigner obtains legal residence in the country, he or she must register with the registration and identification authority, who would be in charge of issuing the resident ID card and incorporating his or her information into the civil and electoral registry. Because nothing says "welcome" like a long and bureaucratic process.
2. Civil Registry, Electoral and Identification Commission: The current Civil Registry and Electoral Commission would be reformed to include citizen identification functions. This would centralize the responsibility for collecting and managing fingerprint data, ensuring that the entire process is under the supervision of a single public power. How wonderful, right? Everything in one place so that we don't have to deal with so much dispersed efficiency. In addition, the National Identification Office would be created, which would be integrated into the Electoral Power as a fourth body under the Commission's supervision. This office would be responsible for collecting identification data and issuing identity documents for nationals and residents. Because attempts to organize public administration have never gone wrong.

Another option would be to carry out a constitutional reform to transfer the registry functions of the Electoral Power to an autonomous institute dedicated to identification and registry data. This Autonomous Institute of Civil Registry, Electoral and Identification would maintain functions that are connected, continuous, decentralized and independent of the Public Powers. A dream that will most likely die in obscurity.

In both cases, it would be convenient to offer identification services nationwide at the headquarters of the civil registries and at those of the “SAME” currenlty SAIME. This would facilitate access by creating new registration points and would take advantage of the existing infrastructure, even if two different organizations coexist in the same space. As if citizens needed another location to practice their queueing skills.

For the consulates, the necessary equipment and instructions should be sent to offer civil registry, electoral and identification services on an ongoing basis, including the possibility of issuing identity cards at the consular headquarters. Because nothing screams efficiency like more consular procedures, which in our case will surely mean an additional international trip.

These reforms could not only increase the efficiency and security of the electoral process, but would also contribute to the integrity of the registration and identification system in Venezuela. That is, of course, if they do not stumble on the complexity of the solutions. There is no doubt that changes are required in the current registration and identification system, and it is essential that this issue is openly discussed in the public space. Although, given the obvious need for reforms, this "discussion" is only a formality.

 

To conclude

The Venezuelan electoral system faces serious problems that hinder the registration and updating of voter data, both at home and abroad. Seriously? What a shocker! The lack of connection between the Electoral Registry and the Civil Registry, together with the discontinuity in the availability of the registry, has created significant barriers to electoral participation, especially for Venezuelans residing outside the country. Because sometimes distance is not enough of an obstacle.

To address these problems, it is crucial to consider reforms that improve the efficiency and security of the electoral process. Proposals for structural reforms could solve many of the current problems. Implementing these reforms and discussing them openly in the public space is essential to ensure that all citizens can exercise their right to vote without unnecessary obstacles. Because if there is one thing we dream of, it is an election without last-minute surprises. Even when it may seem like a hopeless aspiration.

These constant obstacles and irregularities have eroded the confidence of the Venezuelan electorate in registration and identification services and in the credibility of the associated databases. Therefore, it is crucial to carry out transparent audits, supervised by national and international experts and observers, to restore Venezuelans' faith in the Electoral Power. If there is still any faith left to restore, that is.